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They have had access to mobile phones and Facebook and grew up believing the country was moving toward greater, not less democracy.
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Unlike their elders, younger people in Myanmar, especially those in the cities, have spent most of their lives without having to worry about being imprisoned for speaking their minds. She faces other charges that could see her imprisoned for life.īut the younger generation may be better placed to carry the mantle anyway. On Monday, the 76-year-old was convicted on charges of incitement and violating coronavirus restrictions and sentenced to four years in prison, though that was almost immediately reduced to two. Suu Kyi, whose pro-democracy efforts won her the Nobel Peace Prize, and her allies have played important roles in the past, even when sidelined or jailed by the generals. The pro-democracy movement now faces the challenges of continuing to resist military rule, keeping up international pressure for restoring an elected, civilian government, and consolidating support from ethnic groups that have long fought the central government. “In fact, the coup may ultimately prove to be the dramatic end to the older generation of leadership in Myanmar.” chief of mission in Myanmar from 1999 to 2002.
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“The coup and its aftermath are not so much the end of a democratization process in Myanmar as they are proof that democratization has actually taken hold of the younger generation,” Priscilla Clapp, who served as the U.S. The country’s current delegate has declared his allegiance to the unity government. And it has accomplished a kind of standoff at the U.N., which delayed action on a request by Myanmar’s military government for its representative to take its seat. national security adviser Jake Sullivan met virtually with two of its representatives. While no foreign government has recognized the so-called National Unity Government, U.S. It, not Suu Kyi, who was arrested in the takeover, has been at the forefront of the opposition - and has garnered significant support among the general population. It was very consciously assembled to be a diverse group, including representatives of ethnic minorities and one openly gay member, unusual in socially conservative Myanmar. Within days, a mix of old and new guard, including elected lawmakers who were prevented from taking their seats by the takeover, announced a shadow administration that declared itself the nation’s only legitimate government. As a military crackdown on demonstrations grew increasingly violent, protesters moved to arm themselves. People took to the streets en masse almost immediately and have continued sporadic protests since then. But erasing the gains of a decade of opening up has proved more difficult. 1 pushed Suu Kyi’s elected government from power, throwing the country into turmoil. There are hundreds of thousands of Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh and 87,000 have arrived since October.A de facto coup on Feb.
“Many Rohingya people are trying to enter the country, but we have a zero tolerance policy - no one will be allowed,” said Hossain.īangladeshi officials regularly advocate a hardline approach to refugees in official interviews, but typically end up letting the refugees through. In a sign that both sides were bracing for more violence, about 1,000 Rohingya arrived at the Naf river separating Myanmar and Bangladesh and got stranded there, a Bangladeshi border guard and Mohammad Ali Hossain, deputy commissioner of Cox’s Bazar district near the Myanmar border, told Reuters. Suu Kyi has been accused of not speaking out for the persecuted minority and of defending the army’s brutal counter-offensive after the October attacks. The treatment of approximately 1.1 million Muslim Rohingya has emerged as the biggest challenge for the Nobel Peace Prize laureate’s 16-month old administration. National leader Aung San Suu Kyi condemned the early morning raids - in which Rohingya insurgents wielding guns, sticks and home-made bombs assaulted 30 police stations and an army base - while the government evacuated staff and villagers to safety.